Inspection, Social, and Economic Conditions - 1918 (Ellis Island)

Introduction

The article "Inspection of the Social and Economic Conditions of Arriving Immigrants" from 1918 discusses the detailed process of assessing the social and economic backgrounds of immigrants arriving at Ellis Island. It highlights the importance of these inspections in determining the suitability of immigrants for entry into the United States and the impact of these factors on the broader American society.

The immigrant first comes under the official control of the United States government when he arrives at the destination port. The Bureau of Immigration Control designates several seaports on the Atlantic and Pacific coasts as ports of entry for immigrants. Entry at any other port is illegal.

Arriving at Ellis Island - Immigrant Landing circa 1910. GGA Image ID # 2195279251

The facilities for the inspection and care of immigrants differ in extent in the different ports, depending on their demands. Still, the general line of procedure is the same in all. As New York has the country's most elaborate and complete immigrant station and receives three-quarters or more of all the immigrants, it may be taken as typical of the fullest development of our inspection system.

A ship arriving in New York is first examined by quarantine officials. Then, the immigrants are turned over to Immigration Bureau officers. All aliens entering a port of the United States are subject to immigration law and have to submit to inspection. Contrary to a common impression, first—or second-class passage does not secure immunity.

Immigrants Arriving at Ellis Island, 1 June 1920. George Grantham Bain Collection (Library of Congress). LCCN 97519082. GGA Image ID # 219536459d

Cabin passengers are given a preliminary inspection by the officials on board the vessel. They are allowed to land without further formality if they are plainly admissible. If there is any question about their eligibility, they are taken to Ellis Island and subjected to a closer examination. While there, they have to endure the same accommodations accorded to steerage passengers.

During three months of the spring of 1910, twenty-five hundred cabin passengers were taken over to Ellis Island. The commissioner at that port was led to recommend that better facilities be provided for this class of immigrants (Note 1). This recommendation was repeated in 1912.

The steerage passengers are loaded onto barges, rented by the steamship companies, and transferred to the immigrant station. This is located on Ellis Island, a group of small islands in the harbor, not far from the Statue of Liberty.

It consists of two main parts, one located in the main building, containing offices, sleeping rooms, restaurants, inspection rooms, ticket offices, etc.; the other are the hospitals, etc.

This temporary disembarkation, which does not constitute a legal landing, leaves the immigrants in a state of uncertainty. They are still nominally on shipboard, and the transportation companies are responsible for their support until they are legally landed.

Inspection room, Ellis Island, New York. Between 1910 and 1920. Photo by Detroit Publishing Company # 073001. Library of Congress LCCN 2016812423. GGA Image ID # 21953ec6b0

Upon arrival on the Island, immigrants are subject to a detailed examination process. This process, designed to ensure compliance with the statutes, involves the gathering and recording of all necessary information. The examination is divided into three main parts. The first part is a medical examination conducted by officers from the United States Public Health and Marine Hospital Service. These officers inspect immigrants for any physical weaknesses or diseases that could lead to their exclusion.

The next stage involves an examination by an inspector who asks a comprehensive list of questions required by the law. This is to determine whether the immigrant is inadmissible for any nonphysical reason. If the immigrant is found to be 'clearly and beyond a doubt' entitled to admission, they are directed to the discharging quarters. Here, they are handed over to the agents of the appropriate transportation company, a 'missionary,' or are free to make their way to the city via the ferry.

Aliens That May Not Be Entitled to Admission to The United States

If any alien is not dearly entitled to admission, he must appear before a board of special inquiry, which will examine his case more deliberately and thoroughly to determine whether he is legally admissible. In cases provided for by the statutes, the alien or a dissenting board member may appeal from the decision of these boards. Such appeal goes through the Commissioner and the Commissioner General of Immigration to the Secretary of Commerce and Labor, whose decision is final.

Many aliens must, of necessity, be detained on the Island during the investigation or, in case they are excluded while awaiting their return to the country from which they came. The feeding of these aliens, along with certain other services, is entrusted to "privilege holders," selected carefully by government authority.

The Business of Immigration

The volume of business transacted on Ellis Island each year is immense. About six hundred and ten officials, including ninety-five medical officers and hospital attendants, are engaged in administering the law at this station. The force of interpreters is probably the largest in the world, gathered under a single roof. At other immigrant stations, the procedure follows the same general lines, though the amount of business is much less. (Note 2)

This is one of the most challenging and delicate branches of government service. Questions involving the breaking up of families, the destruction of long-cherished plans, and other intimate human relations, even of life and death itself, present themselves in a steady stream before the inspectors. Every instinct of humanity argues on the side of leniency to the ignorant, stolid, abused, and deceived immigrant.

On the other hand, the inspector knows that he is placed as a guardian of the safety and welfare of his country. He is charged with executing an intricate and iron-bound set of laws and regulations, into which his personal feelings and inclinations must not be allowed to enter. Any lapse into too great leniency is a betrayal of his trust. One who has yet to review the cases can have no conception of the intricacy of the problems constantly brought up for decision.

Is it surprising that the casual and tender-hearted visitor who leans over the balcony railing or strolls through the passages, blissfully ignorant of the laws and the meaning of the whole procedure, should think that he detects instances of brutality and hard-heartedness? To him, the immigrants are a crowd of poor but ambitious foreigners who have left all for the sake of sharing in the glories of American life and are now being ruthlessly and inconsiderately turned back at the very door by a lot of cruel and indifferent officials. He writes a letter in his home paper about "Brutality at Ellis Island."

Even worse than these ignorant and sentimental critics are those clever and malicious writers who, inspired by the transportation companies or other selfish interests, paint distorted, misleading, and exaggerated pictures of affairs on Ellis Island and, to serve their ends, strive to bring into disrepute government officials who are conscientiously doing their best to perform a most difficult public duty. (Note 3)

It would not be safe to say that there never has been any brutality on Ellis Island or that there is none now. Investigators of some reputations have given specific instances. (Note 4) It would be almost beyond the realm of possibility that in so large several officials coming in daily contact with thousands of immigrants, there should be none who were careless, irritable, impatient, or vicious. How much maltreatment there may be depends mainly upon the character and competency of the commissioner in charge. The point is that no one is qualified to pass an opinion on the treatment of immigrants except a thoroughly trained investigator equipped with complete knowledge of the laws and regulations and an unbiased mind.

One thing that impresses the dilettante observer is the haste with which proceedings are conducted and the physical force frequently employed to push an immigrant in one direction or hold him back from another. It must be admitted that both of these exist — and they are necessary. During the year 1907, five thousand was fixed as the maximum number of immigrants who could be examined at Ellis Island in one day. (Note 5) Yet during the spring of that year, more than fifteen thousand immigrants arrived at the port of New York in a single day. It is evident that under such conditions, haste becomes a necessity.

The work must be done with the equipment provided, and greater hardship may sometimes be caused by delay rather than haste. The need for haste, combined with the immigrants' condition, necessitates the physical handling of immigrants. We have seen that the voyage conditions are not calculated to land the immigrant in an alert and dear-headed state.

The bustle, confusion, rush, and size of Ellis Island complete the work and leave the average alien in a state of stupor and bewilderment. He is in no condition to understand or appreciate a carefully worded explanation of what he must do or why he must do it, even if the inspector had time to give it. The one suggestion immediately comprehensible to him is a pull or a push; if this is not administered with actual violence, there is no unkindness.

Anecdotal Illustration of the Bewildering Process

An amusing illustration of the dazed state in which the average immigrant goes through the inspection is furnished by a story told by one of the officials on the Island. This is related to the fact that President Roosevelt once visited the Island with other distinguished citizens. He wished to observe the effect of a gift of money on an immigrant woman and, fearing to be recognized, handed a five-dollar gold piece to another party member, requesting him to give it to the first woman with a child in her arms who passed along the line.

It was done. The woman took the coin, slipped it into her dress, and passed on without even raising her eyes or indicating that the incident had made any different impression on her than any of the regular steps in the inspection. It would be a remarkable man who could deal with a steady stream of foreigners, stolid and unresponsive to begin with and reduced to such a pitch of stupor, day after day, without occasionally losing his patience.

Data from the Immigration Process

When compiled and tabulated, the information collected at the port of entry is sufficient to give a complete and detailed picture of the character of the arriving immigrants in so far as that can be statistically portrayed. The reports of the Commissioner General contain an elaborate set of tables, which are the principal source of accurate information on the subject. In the following pages, these tables will be summarized to highlight the essential facts that condition the immigration problem in this country. Data from other reliable sources will be added as occasion requires.

During the period 1820 to 1912, 29,611,052 immigrants entered the United States. Of these, the Germans made up a larger proportion than any other race, amounting to 5,400,899 persons from the German Empire.

Until very recently, the Irish stood second, but as far as can be determined from the figures, the Italians and natives of Austria-Hungary have now passed them. In the period mentioned, 3,511,730 immigrants from Austria-Hungary, 3,426,070 immigrants from Italy, including Sicily and Sardinia, and 3,069,625 from Ireland. But if the 1,945,812 immigrants from the United Kingdom not specified could be properly assigned, it would probably appear that Ireland could still lay claim to second place.

The other most important sources, with their respective contributions, are as follows: Russian Empire, 2,680,525; England, 2,264,284; British North American possessions, 1,322,085; Sweden, 1,095,940. (Note 6) When it is considered how recent the origin of the immigration from Italy, Russia, and Austria-Hungary is, the significance of these figures becomes apparent. The statistics for a single recent year show very different proportions.

Thus, in the year 1907, 28.2 percent of the total European immigration came from Austria-Hungary, 23.8 percent from Italy (Note 7), and 21.6 percent from the Russian Empire, while only 3.2 percent came from the German Empire, 1.7 percent from Sweden, 2.9 percent from Ireland, and 4.7 percent from England. (Note 8)

It is impossible to predict with certainty what the ultimate effect of this sweeping change in nationality will be. It is one of the greatest problems connected with immigration and can better be discussed in another context. The present has put an entirely new face on the question of the assimilation of immigrants in this country.

Regarding the sex of the immigrants, males have always been the predominant sex. From 1820 to 1910, 63.8 percent of the immigrants were males, and 36.2 percent were females. (Note 9) This is what might naturally be expected. The first emigration from a region is almost always an emigration of men. They have the necessary hardihood and daring to a greater extent than women. They are better fitted by nature for pioneering work.

After the current emigration became well-established, women joined in. Early emigrants sent for their families, young men sent for their sweethearts, and even some single women ventured to a country where there were friends and relatives.

However, in most cases, the number of males continues to exceed that of females. In the long run, there will be more men than women because of the natural differences between the sexes. In this respect, however, there has also been a change in recent years. The proportion of males is considerably more significant among the new immigrants than the old.

In 1820-1830, when immigration was still beginning, there was a large proportion of males, amounting to 70 percent. In the decades of the forties and fifties, however, the proportion of males fell to 59.5 percent and 58 percent, respectively. However, in the decade ending 1910, 69.8 percent of all the immigrants were males.

There is a general tendency for the proportion of males to rise in a year of large immigration and fall as immigration diminishes. This can be traced with a remarkable degree of regularity throughout the modem period, and it is well exemplified in the last six years.

In 1907, when the total immigration reached its highest record, the proportion of males reached the highest point since 1830, 72.4 percent. After the crisis of that year, the total immigration fell decidedly, and in 1908, the proportion of males was only 64.8 percent. In the following year, the percentage of males rose to 69.2, while the total immigration decreased slightly. Still, since the net gain by immigration increased that year,' this is not a severe exception to the rule.

In 1910, the total immigration again showed a marked increase, and the percentage of males rose to 70.7. (Note 10) In 1911, there was another marked decline in immigration, and the rate of males fell to 649, while a further slight decrease in 1912 was accompanied by a fall in the percentage of males to 63.2. (Note 11) This phenomenon is undoubtedly accounted for by the fact that men respond more directly to this country's economic demands than women. Hence, they respond to economic fluctuations more readily.

Many female immigrants come to join men who have established themselves on a footing of fair prosperity in this country and are able to attract them even in a year of hard times.

Examining the sex distribution of some leading races shows how thoroughly characteristic of the new immigration of this excess of males is. The following table shows the percentages of the two sexes of certain chosen races for the eleven years 1899 to 1909 :

Comparing the entire old immigration for the period specified with the entire new immigration (European only), we find that 58.5 percent were male and 41.5 percent female; of the latter, 73 percent were male and 27 percent female. (Note 12)

The new immigration is in no sense an immigration of families but of men, either single men or married men, who have left their wives on the other side. This is partly due to the very fact that it is new immigration and partly to the fact that it is, to such a large degree, temporary or provisional.

An immigrant who expects to return to his native land after a few years in America is likelier to leave his wife behind him than one who bids farewell to his old home forever.

The typical old immigrant, when he has secured his competency, sends for his wife to come and join him; the typical new immigrant, under the same circumstances, in many cases returns to his native land to spend the remainder of his days in the enjoyment of his accumulated wealth. The only exception to this rule is that furnished by the Hebrews, among whom the sexes are nearly equally distributed. This is one of the many respects in which they stand apart from the rest of the new immigrants.

The only race in which the female immigrants exceed the males is the Irish, and this has been the case only recently. During the years of the great Irish immigration, the males predominated.

The matter of sex is of the utmost significance to the United States. It is one thing to have foreign families come here to cast in their lots with this nation permanently; it is quite another to have large groups of males come over, either with the expectation of returning ultimately to their native land or of living in this country without family connections for an indefinite number of years.

Such groups form an unnatural element in our population and considerably alter the problem of assimilation. They are willing to work for a lower wage than if they were trying to support families in this country. They are less likely to be brought into touch with the molding forces of American life as foreign family groups. As will appear later, their life habits are abnormal and tend to result in depredated morals and physique. Many of the most unfortunate conditions surrounding immigration may be traced to this great preponderance of males.

The one thing that can be said in favor of this state of affairs is that such a group of immigrants furnishes a larger number of workers than one more evenly distributed between the sexes. This is an argument that will appeal to many. Still, to many others who have the best welfare of the country at heart, it will appear wholly inadequate to offset the severe disadvantages that result from the situation.

The Immigration Commission expresses its opinion that, in the effort to reduce the oversupply of unskilled labor in this country by restricting immigration, special discrimination should be made against men unaccompanied by wives or children. (Note 13)

When it comes to the age of immigrants, the most striking fact is the significant distribution among the different age groups. In the year 1912, the distribution of the total immigration was as follows : under fourteen years, 13.6 per cent; fourteen to forty-four years, 80.9 per cent; forty-five years and over, 5.5 per cent. These figures underscore the importance of understanding the age distribution of immigrants in the United States.

There is only a slight difference between the new and the old immigration. Of the total European immigration for the years 1899 to 1909, the old immigration had 12.8 percent in the first age group, 80.4 percent in the second, and 6.8 percent in the third; the new immigration had 12.2 percent in the first, 83.5 percent in the second, and 4.3 percent in the third. (Note 14)

There is, however, a very marked difference between the races. This will be brought out by the following table, which shows the age distribution of certain selected races for the year 1910 :

Again, here, the Hebrews appear to be an exception to the general rule regarding new immigration and, in this case, total immigration.

The showing regarding age substantiates the observation that our modern immigration is not an immigration of families. This, too, affects the chances for assimilation very considerably.

As regards the economic efficiency of the immigrants, the age distribution, added to the sex distribution, marks them as a selected group. When it is further considered that the physically and mentally feeble and those who are unlikely to be able to earn their living are weeded out in the process of inspection, it appears that those who look upon the immigrant as nothing more than a source of cheap labor have much reason to be pleased with the quality of our immigration.

The productive power of a group of immigrants averages much higher than a corresponding number of persons taken from the general population of the race from which they come.

Herein lies perhaps the most significant and most popular argument for immigration. It is claimed that without our foreign laboring force, it would have been impossible to develop the resources of the country so rapidly and completely as they have been developed and that if the supply were cut off now, it would seriously cripple the entire industry of the country.

Undoubtedly, under the present industry organization in this country, production in many lines depends significantly upon foreign labor. How much truth there is in the deduction that without the immigrants, this country would be much farther back in the industrial race than it is today will be considered in another connection.

Many United States citizens, however, look upon the immigrant as something more than a mere productive machine. To them, the proof of his economic efficiency is not sufficient. They wish to know something about his adaptability to assimilation into American life and his probable contribution to the ethnic type of the United States. Several further conditions must be considered, which are of at least equal significance in determining the final effects of immigration on this country.

Prominent among these is the intellectual quality of the immigrant. This is naturally a very difficult thing to measure. Beyond feeblemindedness, the only test of intellectual capacity that has received wide application is the literacy — or, as it is more frequently expressed, the illiteracy — test.

This concerns the ability to read and write and is given a great deal of weight by many students. It is not necessarily an indication of intellectual capacity but instead of education. The inability to read or write may be due to a lack of early opportunity rather than inferior mental caliber.

Nevertheless, the matter of literacy has received sufficient attention. It is, in fact, of sufficient importance, so it is desirable to have the facts before us.

The immigration authorities recognize two forms of illiteracy: the inability to either read or write and the failure to write coupled with the ability to read. The latter class is tiny, and for all practical purposes, those spoken of as illiterates can neither read nor write.

From 1899 to 1909, the average illiteracy of all European immigrants fourteen years of age or over was 26.6 percent. There is a marked difference between the old and new immigrants in this respect.

Of the former class, during the period mentioned, only 2.7 percent of the immigrants fourteen years of age or over were illiterate; of the latter class, 35.6 percent.

The same difference is brought out by the following table, showing the illiteracy of certain specified races :

Where there is such a marked difference between races as is exhibited in the preceding table, it seems fair to assume that there is a corresponding difference in the intellectual condition of the respective peoples — if not in their potential capacity, at least in the actual mental equipment of the immigrants themselves. (Note 17) It is pretty customary to take the degree of illiteracy as a reasonable index of the desirability of a given stream of immigration.

There seems to be considerable basis for this idea, for it appears probable that an immigrant who has had the ability and the opportunity to secure, in his homeland, such a degree of education as is indicated by the ability to read and write is better equipped for adapting himself to life in a new country than one who has not.

On the other hand, considerable testimony shows that the immigrants who have the most challenging time getting along in this country are those with a moderate degree of education, such as bookkeepers, mediocre musicians, clerks, etc. They are either unable or unwilling to do the menial work that their less-educated fellow citizens perform and cannot compete with persons trained in this country in the occupations they followed at home.

There are relatively few occupations into which the typical immigrant of today goes and for which he is encouraged to come to this country, in which the ability to read and write adds to the worker's efficiency to a considerable degree. The ability to read and write has somewhat hastened the process of assimilation; it is questionable whether it adds appreciably to the economic fitness of the immigrant for life in this country.

The question of literacy as a test of immigrants has received much attention recently through its inclusion in the proposed immigration bill, which barely failed to become law early in 1913. This bill was the result of the investigations of the Immigration Commission and embodied several of its recommendations. The one upon which most of the opposition was centered was a clause providing a reading test for adult aliens.

Certain exceptions to the rule, however, meant that in its actual application, the exclusion would have been limited almost wholly to adult males. The bill passed both houses of Congress but was vetoed by the President after careful and judicial consideration. The Senate promptly passed the bill over the veto, but a similar action in the House failed by a narrow margin of half a dozen votes.

The agitation for a literacy test rests upon two main groups of arguments. The first class includes efforts to show that literacy is a desirable qualification for citizenship economically, socially, and politically.

The second group believes that the total number of immigrants should be reduced and that a literacy test is an excellent way to accomplish this. It is not unlikely that this latter set of opinions predominated over the former in the minds of the adherents of the proposed measure. However, it was not necessarily expressed openly.

And there is much to be said in favor of the literacy test from this point of view. First, it is a perfectly definite and comprehensible test that the immigrant could apply to himself before he leaves his native village.

In the second place, it is a test that any average alien could prepare himself to meet if willing to make the effort. It seems like a little to require of one who wishes to become a member of the American body of politics that he takes the pains to equip himself with the rudiments of education before presenting himself.

Finally, as Miss Claghorn has pointed out (Note 18), it is a test that would react favorably upon the immigrant himself. It is impossible to tell, as noted above, just how much value attaches to literacy in the effort of the alien to maintain himself in this country. Yet, without a doubt, there are some advantages. Attempting to attain it may result in even more strength in character and purpose.

A glance at the preceding table will show which immigrant races, as the immigration stream is now constituted, would be most affected by such a test. However, it is not impossible that the passage of a literacy test by this government would materially stimulate the progress of education in some of the more backward countries of Europe.

This tendency to illiteracy on the part of immigrants is well overcome in the second generation, for among the employees in manufacturing studied by the Immigration Commission, the percentage of illiteracy was lower among the native-born descendants of foreign fathers than among the native-born of native fathers. (Note 19)

In 1910, information was collected for the first time about the conjugal condition of immigrants. The figures on this point are summarized in the following table, which gives the percentages of each sex in the different age groups who are in the different classifications regarding conjugal condition.

This table further verifies that our present immigration is in no sense an immigration of families. More than half of all immigrants of both sexes who are fourteen or over are single.

This profoundly affects the problem of assimilation. Growing children is one of the greatest forces for Americanization in immigrant families. Where these are absent, the adults have much less contact with assimilating influences. If there were a significant degree of intermarriage between these single immigrants and native Americans, the situation would be very different. Still, thus far, this is not the case.

Much has been said and written about the absolute economic gain to this country through immigration. It is pointed out that each year, an army of non-disabled laborers in the prime of life is added to our working force.

We have contributed nothing to the expense of their rearing; they come to us as a free gift from the nations of Europe. Various efforts have been made to estimate the actual cash value of these alien laborers.

Professor Mayo-Smith enumerates three different ways of attacking the problem. The first is by estimating the cost of raising the immigrant up to his arrival in the United States.

The second is by estimating his value as if he were a slave. The third is by estimating the amount of wealth he will contribute to the community before he dies, minus the cost of his maintenance—in other words, his net earnings. (Note 21)

The lack of uniformity in the results obtained by different methods and by other investigators gives weight to the opinion that it is, after all, a rather fruitless undertaking. Estimating a man's monetary value is too much for economic science.

However, there is one economic contribution that immigrants make to this country that can be reasonably accurately measured. This is the amount of money they bring with them when they come. For many years, immigrants have been compelled to show how much money they possess, which has been recorded and incorporated into the annual reports.

Up until 1904, immigrants were divided into those showing less than $30 and those showing that amount or more. In that year, this dividing line was raised to s0. The total amount of money shown is also given. Thus, it is possible to estimate the average amount of money shown by immigrants of different races and also to ascertain what proportion of them showed above or below the specified amount.

Unfortunately, for the statistics' conclusiveness, immigrants very commonly show only so much money they possess but only so much as they think is necessary to secure their admission. So, the total amount of money shown does not represent the total amount brought in; all that can be positively stated is that at least so much was brought in.

In 1909, the total amount of money shown was $17,331,828; in 1910, $28,197,745; in 1911, $29,411,488; and 1912, $30,353,721.

Those who did not show money were, for the most part, children and other dependents. This shows how baseless the impression, quite prevalent among Americans and aliens alike, is that a certain specified amount of money is necessary to secure admission to this country.

Thirty or fifty dollars are the amounts commonly mentioned. However, since the average based on the total number showing money is barely over thirty dollars, it is plain that there must be a large number showing less than thirty dollars. Some races, such as the Polish, Lithuanians, and South Italians, have an average of twenty to twenty-five dollars for all showing money.

There is no monetary requirement for admission to the United States. While the possession of a certain amount of money is considered to add to the probability of an immigrant being able to support himself without becoming a public charge, a sturdy laborer with ten dollars in his pocket is more likely to secure admission than a frail older man with a good-sized bank account.

These large amounts of money brought in by immigrants, representing a net gain to the country's total wealth, must set off the enormous amounts of money annually sent abroad by alien residents of the United States. Various efforts have been made to estimate these sums. The best is probably that of the Immigration Commission, which sets the figure at a total of $275,000,000 for the prosperous year 1907. (Note 23)

The following table gives the distribution of immigrants among the different classes of occupations.

These figures are taken from the statements of the immigrants themselves and represent, in so far as they are correct, the economic position of the immigrant in the country from which he came. They are not a reliable indication of the occupation into which he goes in this country.

The great majority of immigrants belong, in general, to the unskilled labor class. This is the class of labor for which there is a particular demand in this country and for which the immigrants are desired. At the same time, as Professor Commons has pointed out (Note 26), there is also a considerable demand for skilled artisans in this country, as the peculiar conditions of American industry prevent training a sufficient number of all-round mechanics at home. This demand is also met from European sources. There is a significant difference in this respect between the different races. (Note 27)

For instance, 29.8 percent of the English immigrants were skilled laborers, 37.9 percent of the Scotch, and 35.2 percent of the Welsh, while only 4.7 percent of the Croatians and Slovenians, 2.7 percent of the Romanians, i.e., 8 percent of the Roumanians, and 3.5 percent of the Slovaks belonged to that class during the period mentioned.

The French have the highest proportion of professionals, with 6.2 percent. In general, old immigrants have a larger proportion in the professional and skilled groups than the new, and this difference would be much more marked if the Hebrews were accepted. They again furnish a marked exception to the general rule of the latest immigration, with 36.7 percent in the skilled labor group.

Thus far, the facts that have been brought out all concern the condition of the immigrants upon their arrival. They furnish a composite picture of the raw material. This is about as far as the regular statistics go. After the immigrants have left the port of arrival, the Bureau furnishes practically only information about them once they leave the country again, except an occasional special report and, in recent years, figures concerning naturalization.

This is typical of the general attitude that characterizes the entire immigration system and legislation. It rests on the assumption that if sufficient care is exercised in the selection of immigrants, all will be well, and no attention needs to be paid to them after they are in the country.

The final information furnished in the reports is the alleged destination of the immigrants. This is somewhat uncertain, but in so far as it is conclusive, it furnishes a preliminary due to the distribution of our alien residents throughout the country.

The significance of the figures regarding destination, or intended future residence, may best be brought out by showing the percentages destined to the different territorial divisions of the United States. In 1910, these were as follows :

In a typical year, 88.4 percent of the total immigrants gave their intended future residence as the North Atlantic or North Central divisions introduce us to some of the peculiarities of the distribution of immigrants in the United States, which will be further considered later.

Before closing our consideration of arriving immigrants, it will be well to glance briefly at those who arrive but are not admitted—in other words, the debarred. We have seen that the law has grown increasingly stringent in its conditions for admission, and each new statute has tended to raise the standard.

These laws have powerfully influenced the character of admission applicants. With the cooperation of the transportation companies, they have operated to check the emigration of the manifestly undesirable to an ever greater extent. Yet every year, considerable numbers of would-be immigrants have to be turned back at the United States's portals.

Many of these unfortunates are undeniably challenging and are the objects of much well-deserved sympathy. Everything should be done to limit the number of inadmissible aliens who are allowed to present themselves at the immigrant stations of this country. The farther back on the road they can be stopped, the better will the interests of humanity be served. At the same time, pity for the rejected alien should not be allowed to express itself in unreasonable and unwarranted attacks upon our system of admission and the officials who administer it, as is sometimes done. (Note 29)

U.S. Inspectors Examining Eyes of Immigrants, Ellis Island, New York Harbor. Works and Studios, Arlington, N.J., Westwood, N.J. Underwood & Underwood, Publishers, c1913. Library of Congress LCCN 97501532. GGA Image ID # 1d9ef04320

The statistics of debarments may indicate the character of the applicants, the stringency of the laws and the faithfulness of their enforcement, or the care of the transportation companies in prosecuting their examination on the other side. It is impossible to tell from the figures themselves which of these factors accounts for the different fluctuations.

There has been, in general, a steady improvement in the care with which immigrants are selected. If next year, a million immigrants of the same general character as prevailed sixty years ago presented themselves at our gates, the proportion of refusals would soar tremendously.

The following table gives the proportion of debarments to admissions since 1892.

From 1892 to 1912, 169,132 aliens were refused admission to the United States. Of these, 58.2 percent were debarred on the grounds of pauperism or likelihood of becoming a public charge, 15.8 percent were afflicted with loathsome or dangerous contagious diseases, and 12.7 percent were contract laborers. These three leading causes account for 86.7 percent of all the debarments.

Doctor's Inspection of Suspects for Skin Diseases. Etc. The Maltine Company, Quarantine Sketches, 1902. GGA Image ID # 14ac9c01b3

The other classes of debarred aliens specified in the reports are as follows: idiots, imbeciles, feeble-minded, epileptics, insane, tuberculosis (noncontagious), professional beggars, mental or physical defects likely to affect the ability to earn a living, accompanying aliens, under sixteen years of age unaccompanied by a parent, assisted aliens, criminals, polygamists, anarchists, prostitutes, etc., aliens who procure prostitutes, etc., under passport provision, Section 1, under provisions Chinese exclusion act, supported by proceeds of prostitution.

Since 1892, the relative importance of the three leading causes of debarment has changed. In that year, almost all the debarred aliens were paupers or likely to become public charges or contract laborers. The first of these classes has held its own down to the present and still stands far in advance of any other cause as regards the number refused.

The contract labor class has declined in relative importance. Loathsome and dangerous contagious diseases were comparatively unimportant until i898 when they sprang into prominence and had since outstripped contract laborers. This was due to the classification of trachoma as a dangerous contagious disease in 1897. It has since led the list of diseases by a large margin.

In 1910, there were 2618 cases of trachoma out of 3123 loathsome or dangerous contagious diseases. Favus comes next with 111 cases, tuberculosis next with 90, and others with 304. The proportions were about the same in 1908 and 1909. In 1912, the proportion of trachoma was even more significant.

Trachoma is a disease popularly known as granular lids. It attacks the conjunctiva, or mucous lining of the lids, setting up inflammation. It affects the cornea, forming ulcers, and may result in partial or total opacity, which may be permanent or temporary.

The determination of cases of true trachoma appears to be a matter of some difficulty; the examiners on Ellis Island are "instructed to regard as trachoma any case wherein the conjunctiva presents firm, well-marked granulations which do not have a tendency to disappear when the case is placed in hygienic surroundings a few days or does not yield rapidly to ordinary treatment, even though there be no evidence of active inflammation at the time of the examination, nor appreciable discharge, nor as yet any signs of degenerative or destructive processes." (Note 30)

The necessity for great caution in this matter is increased because it is possible by medical treatment to remove the outward symptoms of trachoma, which makes it very difficult to detect. However, there is no cure, and the disease will return later.

Many immigrants who are suffering from this disorder take treatment of this sort before emigrating. It is stated that in London, institutions make a business of preparing immigrants for admission. (Note 31)

Statements from medical sources have recently appeared in the newspapers to the effect that trachoma is not as contagious or dangerous as has been supposed, but they lack substantiation.

Favus is another name for the disease known as ringworm. It is a vegetable parasite that attacks hair, causing it to become dry, brittle, dull, and easily pulled out. Favus is also susceptible to temporary "cures."

Summary of Immigration Findings

On the whole, the new immigrants are more subject to debarment than the old, particularly for the cause of trachoma. This is a disease to which southeastern Europe and Asia Minor races are primarily liable. A large part of the Syrians have it. In 1910, more than 3 percent of all the Syrians who presented themselves for admission were refused for this cause alone. The inability to self-support is also much more common among the new than the old.

Reviewing this survey of the arriving immigrants, we find that they are remarkably well-qualified for productive labor in terms of age and sex. The predominating races are now those of southern and eastern Europe, which are of a decidedly different stock from the original settlers of this country.

There is a large percentage of illiteracy. The statistics of conjugal condition, combined with those of sex and age, show that our present immigration is in no sense an immigration of families. The great majority of the immigrants belong to the unskilled or standard labor class or else have no occupation.

Most immigrants are destined for the North Atlantic and North Central divisions of the United States. The immigrants are a selected body, as far as a strict examination under the law can accomplish this. Despite the care exercised by transportation companies on the other side, a considerable number of aliens are debarred each year, mainly for the causes of disease, inability to self-support, or labor contracts. In almost all of these respects, the old immigration differs to a greater or lesser extent from the new, except for the Hebrews, who stand apart from the rest of the new immigration in several important particulars.

Footnotes

Note 1 : Rept. Com. Gen. of Imm., 1910, p. 135.

Note 2 : Cf. Brandenburg, B., Imported Americans, Chs. XVII and XVIII.

Note 3 : See an editorial in the New York Evening Journal, May 24, 1911.

Note 4 : Brandenburg, op. cit., p. 214

Note 5 : Rept. Com. Gen. of Imm., 1907, p. 77.

Note 6 : Rept. Imm. Com., Statistical Review, Abs., p. 17, and Rept. Comr. Gen. of Imm., 1912, pp. 68, 129. The figures of the Commission do not tally in all respects with those given in the annual Reports.

Note 7 : Figures for Italy, unless otherwise specified, include Sicily and Sardinia.

Note 8 : Rept. Imm. Com., Emig. Cond. in Eur., Abs., p. 9

Note 9 : Ibid., Stat. Rev., Abs., p. 11.

Note 10 : Rept. Imm. Corn., Stat. Rev., Abs., pp. 9, 10, 11.

Note 11 : Repts. Comr. Gen. of Imm., 1911, 1912.

Note 12 : Rept. Imm. Com., Emig. Cond. in Eur., Abs., p. 13.

Note 13 : Rept. Imm. Con., Brief Statement, p. 39.

Note 14: Ibid., Emig. Cond. in Eur., Abs, p. 14.

Note 15 : Those who cau neither read nor write.

Note 16 : Rept Imm. Coin., Emig. Cond. in Eur., Abs., p. 17.

Note 17 : The percent of illiteracy in the general population of the United States, ten years of age or over, is 10.7.

Note 18 : Claghorn, Kate H., "The Immigration Bill," The Survey, Feb. 8, 1913.

Note 19 : Rept. Imm. Com., Immigrants in Manufacturing and Mining, Abs., p. 165.

Note 20 : All the immigrants under 14 were single, with the exception of one female.

Note 21 : Mayo-Smith, R., Emigration and Immigration, pp. 104 ff.

Note 22 : Rept. Imm. Coon., Emig. Cond. in Eur., Abs., p. 20.

Note 23 : Rept. Imm. Cam., Immigrant Banks, p. 69.

Note 24 : Ibid., Emig. Cond. in Eur., Abs., p. 15.

Note 25 : Including women and children.

Note 26 : Races and Immigrants in America, pp. 124-125.

Note 27 : For detailed figures of occupation by races see Rept. Imm. Com., Stat. Rev., AN , PP. 52, 53.

Note 28 : Balance to Alaska, Hawaii, Philippine Islands, and Porto Rico.

Note 29 : See Brandenburg, B., "The Tragedy of the Rejected Immigrant," Outlook, Oct. 13, 1906.

Note 30 : Stoner, Dr. George W., Immigration— The Medical Treatment of Immigrants pests, etc., p. 10.

Note 31 : There is also a flourishing business of this sort in Liverpool, Marseilles, etc Rept. Commissioner General of Immigration, 1905, pp. 50 ff.

Immigration: A World Movement and Its American Significance, Henry Pratt Fairchild, New York, MacMillan Company, 1918. Chapter X: Inspection, Social and Economic Conditions of Arriving Immigrants, Pages 183-212

Conclusion

The thorough inspection of social and economic conditions was a crucial aspect of the immigration process at Ellis Island. This assessment helped the authorities ensure that new arrivals could contribute positively to American society and avoid becoming public charges. The process also reflected the broader concerns of the time regarding the integration and potential impact of immigrants on the nation's economy and social fabric.

Key Points

• 🏠 Assessment of Economic Stability: Immigrants were evaluated for their ability to support themselves financially.
• 📊 Social Background Inspections: Detailed inquiries into the immigrants' social backgrounds were conducted to assess their adaptability.
• 🚫 Risk of Public Charge: The inspection aimed to prevent the entry of individuals who might become a burden on public resources.
• 📋 Documentation and Evidence: Immigrants were required to provide documentation proving their financial and social stability.
• 🌍 Diverse Origins: The article notes the variety of backgrounds and nationalities of the immigrants being inspected.
• 👨‍👩‍👧 Family Considerations: Special attention was given to the family structures and support systems of immigrants.
• 🛡️ Protective Measures: Measures were in place to ensure that vulnerable individuals, such as women and children, were protected.
• 💼 Employment Prospects: Immigrants' job skills and employment prospects were a significant focus during the inspection process.
• 🏥 Health and Hygiene: The health conditions of immigrants were also linked to their social and economic suitability.
• 📈 Impact on Society: The broader implications of these inspections on American society and its economy were a key concern.

Summary

1. Introduction to Inspections: The article outlines the comprehensive inspections of social and economic conditions that immigrants underwent upon arrival at Ellis Island.
2. Economic Assessments: Immigrants were scrutinized for their financial stability and ability to support themselves without becoming public charges.
3. Social Background Checks: Detailed inquiries into the immigrants' social backgrounds were conducted to evaluate their potential for successful integration.
4. Documentation Requirements: Immigrants needed to provide evidence of their financial and social standing to pass the inspection.
5. Family and Support Systems: The structure and support networks of immigrant families were key considerations during the inspection process.
6. Protective Measures: The authorities implemented measures to protect vulnerable immigrants, especially women and children.
7. Employment and Skills: The inspection focused on the immigrants' job skills and their potential to contribute to the American economy.
8. Health Considerations: The link between immigrants' health and their social and economic conditions was also evaluated.
9. Diverse Immigrant Origins: The article highlights the diversity of the immigrants being inspected, reflecting the global nature of immigration at the time.
10. Societal Impact: The inspections were part of a broader effort to manage the impact of immigration on American society and its economy.